Labeling theory Essay Example for Free

Labeling theory Essay Stereotypes are thoughts adopted about a person or a group of people that may or may not be true. In reality a stereotype does not really have a definition. Different people view stereotypes differently. Researchers and psychologists have different definitions what a stereotypes can actually be. Some people regard stereotypes as being a negative thing, might go as far as saying it is prejudice. This is because cultures label others differently. If a person does not understand a culture but sees a trend they assume that the whole culture must be that way. This is an example of what stereotyping means to most. Psychologists Yueh-Ting Lee and Charles Stangor have their own believes on stereotypes. They do not agree on what stereotyping is, but both add a valid explanation. Yueh-Ting Lee a professor from the Westfield State College is a psychologist that has researched and wrote about stereotypes in our cultures. He believes that stereotypes might be perceived as a negative thing because they involve generalizing a culture or person. Lee believes that stereotypes are far from the truth. He doesn’t believe that a person or culture can be generalized to one thing. The world is a big place that can be very unfamiliar to most people. People that have never traveled the world or seen many cultures do not truly understand these places. Most of the people in the world fall under this curious but unaware category. Lee believes that stereotypes are needed for these kinds of people. What better way to start understanding a culture then looking at the stereotypes? He believes that stereotypesare a starting point in understanding the different people and cultures. Stereotyping is a belief we use to categorize people, objects and events. Lee says that these stereotypes will help uncertain people deal with all the information about the vast cultures on earth. All this leads Lee to believe that stereotyping is a good and necessary way of obtaining opinions on people and cultures. Charles Stangor a psychologist from the University of Maryland College Park has his view on stereotypes. He does not share the same views as Lee in regards to stereotyping being a useful or good thing. Stangor leans more into the idea that people need to rate others in order to know where they stand. This is an aspect of stereotyping shared by many. The fact that one culture or person will generalize another culture or person into a group based on who they are and what they do. Stagnor believes that powerful people use stereotypes to exploit selected groups of people. There are many negative stereotypes that arise from people generalizing on one aspect of a person or culture. For example African Americans are labeled to be good athletes but portrayed not to be as smart as Asians or whites. Stagnor believes that is a manipulation, and that stereotypes cannot be true, therefore they cannot be used to judge a person or their culture. Stagnor believes that generalizing can lead to more serious things like racism, sexism, or other prejudice. Stereotypes cannot be labeled as a good thing. This planet has many different people, cultures, beliefs, and races. Every single human being is different than every other human. If this is all true then how can we label people into categories? A human is not something up for sale and cannot be labeled and shelved in a specific section. This is maybe true about whole groups of people from the same race or culture. Like Stagnor believes stereotyping leads people to become prejudice against others. Labeling a race into one category is racism in a sense. A common stereotype is that all African Americans are great athletes but not as smart as other cultures. This is viewed because a lot of them are professional athletes. Being athletic does not make someone less intelligent, or being smart does not mean someone cannot be an athlete. This is an example of viewing a race only through one lense. People will not be able to understand other cultures if they only see someone from one side. Lee argues that stereotypes will lead us to understand or just began understanding someone. What if someone takes these stereotypes and sticks to that idea about someone. This will lead people to generalize races and cultures into one idea. This will be a harmful stereotype because we will be unable to look past that one idea. Negative stereotyping will lead humans to be intolerable of other races and cultures. People must understand why someone different then themselves is the way they are. If a select group of people are labeled in some way we cannot label the whole race that way. We have to give the rest of that race a chance. The least we can do is to understand a race before we pass a judgment.

The War Measures Act History Essay

The War Measures Act History Essay The October Crisis of 1970 and the invocation of the War Measures Act was one of the most significant events in the history of Canada. On the fifth of October, James Cross, the British Trade Commissioner, was kidnapped from his Montreal home by a group of young French Canadian terrorists, the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec or FLQ. The FLQ was a radical political group within the province of Quebec, intent on separating Quebec from Canada. Five days later, the Minister of Labour and the second in command of Quebecs provincial government, Pierre Laporte, was kidnapped from his front lawn by a different FLQ cell. The intent of the kidnappings was to exchange Cross and Laporte for the twenty-three FLQ political prisoners responsible for the bombings, hold-ups and deaths of six innocent people, as well other drastic forms of protest. There was tremendous support for the FLQ in Quebec, mainly by students and working class demonstrators. Many politicians, some members of the press, labour union leaders and other prominent members of society supported the FLQ, either openly or indirectly by agreeing with the views and demands of this organization. The Quebec government, lead by Premier Robert Bourassa, along with Pierre Elliot Trudeaus Federal Government, refused negotiations with this terrorist organization. Quebec requested federal aid. On the 15th of October 1970 the Federal Army was sent into the province. The following day, both governments brought forth the implementation of the War Measures Act; an act designed for war. On the succeeding day, the body of Pierre Laporte was found strangled, bringing the crisis to its apex. The unprecedented use of this act in a time of peace sparked enormous criticism and controversy. Both the Federal and Provincial governments argued for the justification of the act, while the opposition parties, scholars, historians, reporters and other political figures strongly criticized and argued against it. Whether the use of this act was just, or not, is a highly debatable subject. To fully assess its use, the events leading up to its employment and the effects it had on the Canadian public, as well as the opinions from both sides of the issue need to be taken into consideration. In the fall of 1970, there were numerous converging contributors, both national and international, to the tensions and turmoil experienced in the province of Quebec. The turmoil of the health care in Quebec elevated tensions. In 1966 the Medical Care Act was passed, which allowed each province to develop and implement its own form of Federally funded health care. The government in Quebec worked on the development of the Medical Insurance Act, which would implement this healthcare. However, revisions of this act were time consuming. Each month that the act went unenforced, the province of Quebec lost out on vast amounts of federal funds. Doctors and specialists concerned with the new system went on strike at the same time as the FLQ Crisis. The two events were not directly related but this event put more pressure on the Quebec government and heightened apprehensions within the province. 2 Another contributor to the setting of the crisis was the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois. This partys principle political stance was the separation of Quebec from Canada. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois and the FLQ are often mistakenly regarded as connected organizations because of their paralleled ideologies. In actuality, the two groups were entirely distinct from one another. The FLQ perceived violence as the only conduit of achieving their demands, whereas the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois wanted to achieve its goal through peaceful means. They objected to federal intervention in matters pertaining to Quebec. The founder and leader Renà © Là ©vesque created this political party but was not an elected member of the National Assembly. Dr. Camille Laurin led the party, along with its seven members, in the National Assembly. French Canadians felt inadequately represented on a national platform. This new, inexperienced and highly unorganized Parti Quà ©bà ©cois led to far more chaos than benefit. Although non-violent, they were wary to object to the FLQ because they did not want to lose popularity among the student population of active protestors.3 On the 12th of October, the party added to the unrest by making the uniformed, public declaration in favor for the exchange of the political prisoners. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois objected to Ontario Premier John Robarts declaration of opposition to FLQs separation through terrorism. This party turned the crisis into Quebec versus Ottawa, which is what exactly what the FLQ wanted.4 The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois had a staggering influence on the attitude of the Quebec public. The press and media were another major contributing factor to public attitudes at the time of crisis. Instead of promoting calm and order, the press raised tensions and aggression through the spreading of rumors, and through slanted reporting in favor of the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois. The press failed to consider at the time, that the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois declaration on the crisis may have inadvertently aided the FLQ, or that the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois might have acted opportunistically.5 At the point of the crisis in October in 1970, the FLQ had existed for 7 years. There had been 200 bombings in Quebec and numerous other acts of violence. The government knew they were capable of violence. The press hysterically covered the events, and newspapers screamed for drastic action. The provincial government of Quebec was under enormous pressure to act.6 Public attitude reflected that many citizens of Quebec felt that the federal government of Canada was in favor of its English speaking population. This attitude added frustration among the public, and the setting of turmoil and chaos was set for the crisis that occurred in October 1970. The separatist group Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec was politically active from 1963 to 1973. Pierre Vallià ¨res and Charles Gagnon were key leads of the FLQ in October 1970. This was not one cohesive group, but rather a set of minor groups or cells, sharing a common view of the issues in Quebec. Many cells had their own agenda and goals separate from the whole of the body. The organization, like its philosophy, depended on the views of the members at any given time. The FLQs cells were constantly breaking up and reforming because of police raids, arrests, and convictions in court, and also because of differences among members.7 Prior to the 1970s, the FLQ manifesto primarily called for separation. In 1970, at the beginning of the crisis, the demand for a workers state was added to their manifesto. Part of the manifesto was written in colloquial French or in French English slang, intentionally to distance the FLQ from the intellectuals or bourgeoisie and align themselves with t he working class.8 College and university students actively participated and demonstrated for the cause. Many sympathetically aligned with the FLQ and did not object to the acts being committed. Many helped to shelter wanted FLQ members, and many stayed silent, refraining from objection to the FLQ and its cause. There was no official list of members. This group of like-minded individuals held varying levels of dedication. To become a member one must commit a crime for the cause. They thought their actions were giving Quebec its freedom. 1968 a long term strategy document entitled Revolutionary Strategy and the Role of the Avant-Garde outlined plans of the robberies and violence, bombings and kidnappings thought to be necessary to bring about the revolution that they sought after.9 It also outlined plans for kidnappings and assassinations. This accumulated group of revolutionary terrorists felt that violence was the only means to achieve their goals. On the 5th of October 1970, two members of the FLQ Liberation cell kidnapped British trade commissioner James Cross, from his home, leaving a ransom note of demands. The demands included the publishing of the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec manifesto, the release of the twenty three convicted and imprisoned members of the FLQ, $500,000 in gold, the rehiring of Les Gars de Lapalme, as well as other demands. The members of the FLQ cell that kidnapped Cross were prepared and determined to achieve their demands. Members of the cell stated, when we decided to kidnap the diplomat Cross, we weighed all the possibilities, including the sacrifice of our own lives for a cause we believed to be just. If the repressive police forces should discover us and attempt to intervene before the release of the British diplomat Cross, be sure that we will sell our lives dearly and that Mr. Cross would immediately be liquidated. We have enough dynamite in our possession to feel perfectly secure.10 The context of the manifesto and crisis need to be taken into consideration. Turmoil, unrest and revolution were actively occurring in other parts of the world. The students of France had only a few years earlier, revolted in their own country. France had encouraged Quebecs wish for separation. The FLQ manifesto went through three transitions since 1963. This first manifesto called for social justice, focusing on separatism. The second version was shorter, omitting talk of violence. The third was published the day after Cross was kidnapped. This manifesto called workers to take back what was theirs: we are the workers of Quà ©bec and we will struggle on to the bitter end. Together with all the people, we want to replace this slave society with a free society, functioning by itself and for itself; a society open to the world.11 It was written with a shock esthetic to encourage public sympathy. The publication of the manifesto was one of the demands of the Liberation cell. Radio Canada agreed to a televised reading. The government did not condone, nor did it object to the reading. To object would heighten interest, curiosity and criticism towards the government. To exchange convicted terrorists for hostages is an extremely difficult choice for any government. There is no correct decision. Each situation suffers both pros and cons: to save the lives of two people by releasing convicted criminals or risk the lives of the two hostages. The FLQ directly addressed their demands to the Bourassa government who had to ultimately make the decision. The first option meant permitting terrorist activity to replace the courts and legislature of a democratic society, where social and political reform can come about by drastic means.12 The release of the jailed FLQ would surely invite further kidnappings. The Quebec minister of Justice, Jà ©rà ´me Choquette stated that No society can consent to have the decisions of its judicial and governmental institutional challenged or set aside by the blackmail of a minority, for that signifies the end of all social order.13 While Choquette announced the governments refusal to release the prisoners, a separate cell, called the Chà ©nier cell, immediately acted by kidnapping Pierre Laporte. The timing of this kidnapping made the FLQ appear to be a highly organized, incredibly swift moving group.14 They were already on their way to kidnap Laporte before the English translation of Choquettes statement was aired.15 To the government, this swiftness frightened them and caused them to question the strength of the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec. After the kidnapping of Laporte, Bourassas government met to discuss the decision. After a three-day period and much debate, the unanimous decision of non-negotiation was made. The justification behind the decision was that the FLQ demanded the release of political prisoners, but that was not what they were; they were convicted criminals. To accept the demands to release them would diminish the value of the Canadian justice system. A democratic society cannot accept blackmail as a legitimate argument in government proceedings, otherwise anarchy will replace rule of law. If the government had given in to the demands of the FLQ, this would only demonstrate the weapon that the terrorists possess, encouraging others to achieve their goals through the same means. This crisis occurred in a democratic country and the FLQ directly challenged Canadian democracy. A democratically elected government is a trustee charged with the task of preserving the rights and freedoms of the society that cho se to elect it and, accordingly, it has no mandate to cede its authority and responsibilities to terrorists.16 The government did, however, continue with attempts to negotiate with the FLQ in hopes that their stalling would allow time for authorities to find Cross and Laporte. The FLQ was stunned by the governments decision. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois publically expressed opposition to the ruling and viewed the convicted criminals as political prisoners. On October fourteenth, Là ©vesque and sixteen other government officials and intellectuals signed a petition calling for the exchange. They did so to show opposition to the government; they sympathized with the FLQ. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois failed to realize that the decision to release them would disparage the Canadian justice system. The next aspect of the October Crisis that must be discussed is the distinction between the calling in of the Canadian Army, and the implementation of the War Measures Act. Many fail to realize that the active army presence in Quebec did not depend on the implementation of the War Measures Act. On the 15th of October 1970, under the National Defense Act, the Quebec government requested federal assistance by calling the army into the province to aid their civil powers. Opposition parties agreed with this decision. Dr. Camille Laurin initially agreed with the decision, and then reversed his opinion hours later. When asked about the insertion of the army in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau stated that, we have used certain elements of the army as peace officers so that the police forces would be free to accomplish their real duties and would not be obliged to spend their time protecting your friends from another kidnapping. I believe that it is more important to rid ourselve s of those who seek to impose their will on the government through a parallel power which resorts to kidnapping and extortion. 17 The army was successful, allowing the police to focus on their normal duties. Most of the population welcomed the army presence and the reassurance it brought, although, there were many who opposed. It must be stressed that the army could be called in without the use of the War Measures Act. The two are separate from one another. The War Measures Act was developed for war. It had been invoked during World War I and II, whereby the Federal government can use all powers it deems necessary to achieve its goal. Under this act, civil liberties and judicial rights are suspended. Censorship becomes active and suspicion and distrust are at extremes. The government is easily able to arrest and detain individuals perceived as a threat, without authorization or the right to a court hearing. The War Measures Act is based on unbridled authority, fear and the threat of violence.18 On the 16th of October, at four a.m. the Act was invoked declaring the FLQ an illegal organization and that membership would be considered a crime. Other issues happening around the world influenced the Canadian government and Cabinet Minsters. They believed individuals and groups of the FLQ were being financed and inspired by foreign political powers that do not share our notion of mans fundamental liberties.19 The fear of the unknown caused the two governments to act in such a drastic way. Trudeau may have proclaimed the War Measures Act, not because of the actual events, but rather, that he knew if the Federal government did not act decisively, their vision of Federalism would not persevere.20 The reason given for the proclamation was an apprehended insurrection, the evidence for which Canadians were to take on faith, and that Quebec had asked for the imposition of the act.21 Violence had progressively built since the formation of the FLQ and after the two kidnappings; government officials feared what would happen next. The assassination of John F. Kennedy had occurred only a few years prior. They were aware that the FLQ had a plan devised that included assassination, and they feared that it would be the next step. Although the FLQs strength and resources were unknown to the police or to the governments, there was considerable evidence of a build-up, that, it was thought, could lead to even greater violence that had already occurred.22 William Tetley, a minister of Bourassas cabinet believed there was sufficient reason for the government to invoke the act. Many in the cabinet quietly went along with the act, either unsure or too intimidated to speak out. Only Tommy Douglas of the New Democratic Party stood in the House each day, debating the government on its justifications for suspending civil liberties.23 Overnight twelve thousand five hundred armed troops flooded into Montreal in search of the FLQ kidnappers. Two hundred and forty two people were arrested, some in the middle of the night, and some violently. Among the arrested in Quebec, many were labour leaders, community activists and organizers and separatists of all types. These people were stripped of their rights, they could not inform their families, friends, or employers of their detainment or whereabouts. 24 Many viewed this as humiliating, and some citizens were verbally and physically abused by police.25 Homes were searched without warrants, virtually all civil rights were removed as an extreme effort to swiftly put an end to the crisis. The day after the war measures act was implemented; the strangled body of Pierre Laporte was discovered. The reason given for the proclamation was an apprehended insurrection, the evidence for which Canadians were to take on faith.26 Paul and Jacques Rose, Bernard Lortie and Francis Simmard were the four accused of the murder of Pierre Laporte. After serving his sentence, Simmard wrote a memoire discussing his views and the views of his cell on the crisis. He proceeded to explain the reasoning for his actions and why they chose to murder Laporte. The FLQ had never planned to kidnap Cross; they did not intend to make the issue an Anglo -French issue but rather wanted to gain political separation.27 His reasoning for partaking in the FLQ was that the issues represented by the group fully represented his situation. We werent looking for an outlet for our need to revolt, it wasnt some kind of personal assertion thing. We were trying to get a hold of our lives, our situation as worker, our poverty. For us, the words in the manifesto werent abstract theory. We were the manifesto.28 The poverty of the working class was the daily lives of its members. Simmard and the Roses had left the country to make some money. Upon their return, they learned that an FLQ cell had acted on its own to kidnap Cross.29 They felt that the provincial and federal governments were not taking the situation seriously.30 His cell decided to kidnap a person directly responsible for the situation and Laporte was an easy target. They considered the abduction of an American diplomat, but decided to go with Laporte because he was close to their location and they knew he was at his home. They actually called his house before going to kidnap him, to see if he was home.31 Simmards cell waited for the governments answer regarding the demands set after the kidnapping of Cross. When Choquette rejected their demands they immediately acted.32 To them the ruling class at the conference was smug and arrogant and annoyed that the FLQ was playing their game33 He felt they needed to take a more drastic stance against the government to show the seriousness that the FLQ represented. Our choices werent spontaneous, they werent individualistic. Our choices were part of the struggle for Quebec independence and social, economic and political power for the workers.34 The decision to partake in the FLQ was a means to take control of their situation and lives. In regards to the murder of Laporte, Simmard states that, we never intended to kill Pierre Laporte. If we had, we wouldnt have kidnapped him, we would have killed him. The immediate goal of the kidnapping was the release of Quebec political prisoners, the rehiring of the Lapalme workers who had been laid off and the will to get rid of a political authority that was not and would never be ours. We were sincere.35 After the government made the decision to combat the FLQ with the War Measures Act, Simmard and his cell felt they had no choice but to kill Laporte. We choseto kill him, it was no accident. 36 After the death of Laporte, government support grew tremendously. Even Quebec overwhelmingly supported the War Measures Act after Laportes death.37The anger from the murder caused many to lose support for the FLQ. Also, most were scared after to be aligned with the FLQ under the use of the Act. Members of the FLQ were not the only ones to criticize the governments decision to implement the War Measures Act. Many questioned whether or not Trudeau had ulterior motives for its implementation. The act was used Canada wide and was exploited in parts of the country. It was intended that anyone who supported the FLQ, Canada wide would be detained. However, there were reported cases in Vancouver, Ottawa, and Regina, of police using the Act as an excuse to rid the city of any undesirables (i.e. hippies, student activists, etc.). This exploitation of the act resulted in enormous criticism towards the government. 38 Prior to the decision of the implementation of the act, it was rumored that RCMP members informed cabinet ministers that the FLQ had weapons that were threatening to the safety of the public. The government later blamed RCMP for bad information when in reality it was a lack of proper political evaluation. It was a lack of coordination between intelligence groups and the governments.39 There were major errors in the implementation of the War Measures Act. The choice of those to be arrested under the Act should have been more carefully planned and decided. They should have been allowed the right to an attorney and the public should have been more informed. However, it was difficultà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦for the government to inform the public without letting the FLQ know their strategy.40 There was also much criticism towards Trudeau directly for implementing the Measure as a means to discourage or set back the separatist movement. The October Crisis resulted from the combined effect of the two kidnappings and the federal governments anger at seeing the independence movement constantly gain momentum.41 Conversely most English Canadians supported the WMA.42 In the summer of 1970, there were bombings in Montreal, FLQ calls for revolutionary action, rumors of weapon and dynamite theft, and strikes. The Bourassa government was showed that they were inadequate to lead the province in dealing with its issues. When Cross was kidnapped, Trudeau was shocked. He reacted strongly and vowed that the government would not give in to terrorists. Trudeau said if we had agreed, as the FLQ demandedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦they would have no reason to hesitate to murder, rob and bomb againà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦all their pals would have to do is kidnap someone else to have them released from prison- and on and on indefinitely.43 Then Laporte was kidnapped and the stakes grew. The government in Ottawa began to fear the FLQ was more organized than initially thought. Feared that if not stopped it could lead to untold violence. 44 Bourassa and Justice Minister Jerome Choquette appeared confused as at times they seemed wil ling to compromise with the FLQ, then turned around and towed the harder federal line. The audacity and timing of the second kidnapping caught everyone by surprise.45 Everyone was scared and unsure of what was next to come. They believed assassinations to be next and wanted to swiftly bring an end to the crisis. Trudeau stated in regards to the mobilizations of the army into Quebec, Well there are a lot of bleeding hearts around who dont like to see people with helmets and gunsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦All I can say is, go on and bleed, but it is more important to keep law and order in society.46 When asked how far will you go? Trudeau famously replied, Just watch me47 The police needed help. Instead of creating special legislation that would require a time consuming parliamentary debate and would alert terrorists of their plans, the Trudeau government decided to implement the War Measures Act despite knowing that enormous criticism that would accompany it. They thought the FLQ was a large organized group, the WMA would be justified and was the right option. If not it would only be a temporary measure. The War Measures Act was a rough but effective way to cool the situation by taking possible agitators and FLQ sympathizers out of circulation and by assuring the populace that the governments had full control.48 The passing of the Medical Insurance Act ended the specialist doctors strike on the 16th of October. The FLQ had planned demonstrations in support of the strike for that day, but with passing of both the War Measures Act and the Medical Insurance Act, the demonstrations never occurred. The night before the War Measures Act was proclaimed, Quebec was in turmoil. The day after it was calm.49 Twenty-four years after the October Crisis, Mitchell Sharp, who was the Deputy Prime Minister of Canada in 1970, voiced a strong opinion supporting Trudeau. I think that Trudeaus firm leadership, putting the preservation of Law and order above any other consideration was probably the most important single contribution he made to the preservation of peace and democracy in Canada during his time as Prime Ministerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦The first duty of the government is to govern which means never giving in to chaos or terror.50 By the end of the War Measures Act, four hundred and sixty-five people had been arrested; four hundred and three were released. Of the sixty-two not released, only thirty-two were actually charged with only eighteen convicted of minor offences. James Cross released on the 3rd of December, by agreement with authorities, his captors were flown to Cuba. Laportes murderers were captured on 28th of December. The FLQ gained support as a result of various factors. Its members seemed fully entrenched in their cause, but when Cross kidnappers were discovered, they did not demand for the goals of the FLQ but rather asked for exile. They were not as dedicated to the cause as they thought.51 Laportes kidnappers chose to be tried under the Canadian justice system, convicted, and carried out jail sentences. In Francis Simmards memoire he is more intent on justifying his actions rather than revealing any real remorse. In hindsight it is easy to criticize the government s for their use of the War Measures Act. They knew it was an excessive measure at the time, however, time was of the essence and they needed a means of reining control back into the hands of the government in a swift and impactful way. They did not want to allow the FLQ time to gain knowledge of governmental plans of opposition. Tensions and distrust were at an extreme, and all sought a quick end to the crisis. The War Measures Act did what it set out to do, the kidnappings ended, the crisis ended and the temporary act was then removed. Two terrorist cells initiated a political hostage crisis. The RCMP saw the crisis as requiring good, patient, careful police work to solve. The Quebec Ministers in Ottawa deliberately chose to escalate the political magnitude of the crisis to justify emergency powers as a means of intimidating nationalists and separatists.52 Robert Stanfield stated, The arbitrary abrogation of individual rights weake ns rather than strengthens social order.53 Or did Canadians come together in unity by agreeing to forego individual rights and freedoms to retain the democracy of their country? Endnotes Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 161 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 7 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 9 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 9 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 12 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 68 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 21 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 20 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 21 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 22 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 34 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 39 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 40 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 68 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 29 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 4 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 63 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 15 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 51 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 62 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 73 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 70 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 74 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 94 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 94 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 73 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 13 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 20 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisi

Analysis Of The Teenage Magazine Market Sector

Analysis Of The Teenage Magazine Market Sector The following section of the plan provides a brief analysis of the teenage magazine market sector. In particular, total volume and value of sales is investigated and critically discussed. Furthermore, it is necessary to provide an assessment and analysis of the key competitors in the market sector and the target group of consumers. Advertising expenditures are also explored in this section. In addition, it will be relevant to scan the external environment of the industry which includes political, economic, social and technological factors unified under PEST framework. Thus, this section will attempt to make a contribution to the identification of the potential opportunities, which may be used for a new brand. The following graph illustrates the total yearly subscriptions for the UK magazines by sector. As it may be seen from the histogram, children and teenage magazines constitute the most numerous and dominant sector. They account for as much as 32.7% of the whole magazine market. The second largest sector is womens traditional magazines. Its market share is equal to 12.9%. Other sectors with the market shares ranging from 10% to 11% are TV listings, mens monthlies, sports and music and the remaining sectors. The least popular type of magazines is home interest as they were found to account for only 4.2% of the market. These findings reveal that children and teenage magazines are most popular among the UK readers. The next graph reveals that the total volume of sales of teenage magazines in the UK has fallen in the recent past. It may be observed that in 2008, as many as 47,535,000 units of magazines were sold. The indicator decreased to the level of 41,794,000 units in 2009. Moreover, in 2010, the total volume of sales constituted only 38,040,000. Hence, the market for teenage magazines in the UK has been going down. This reduction of sales may be explained by the growing popularity of on-line media and portals for teenagers. Printed magazines are often substituted by social networking and entertaining web applications. This tendency may be discussed in the light of the standard product life cycle (PLC) curve. As presented by the following graph, the PLC curve consists of the four main stages: introduction, growth, maturity and decline. These stages imply different changes in the volume of sales. The recent fall of the volume of sales of the UK teenage magazines indicates that the product passes through the decline stage. It means that the producers of the UK teenage magazines will not achieve the maximum volume of sales unless the product is improved or changed. Correspondingly, the total value of sales of teenage magazines has reduced recently. In 2008, the value of sales constituted  £99,039,000. The indicator decreased to the level of  £88,245,000 in 2009. In 2010, the reduction of sales value continued and the indicator reached  £86,138,000. The fall of volume and value occurred during the period 2008-2010. Hence, it may be concluded that the UK market for teenage magazines has been shrinking and narrowing. Among the major competitors in the UK market for teenage magazines it is valid to mention Elle Girl, Glamour, GQ, Grazia Magazine, Heat, New!, OK! and Yours. Their relative market shares are reported in the following figure. As it may be seen from the histogram, New!, Ok! and Glamour are the most popular teenage magazine brands in the UK. Their market shares are equal to 15.7%, 15.4% and 13.5% respectively. The market share of Heat constitutes as much as 12.4%. Such brands as Grazia, Yours, Elle Girl and GQ occupy 6.7%, 6.5%, 5.1% and 3.1% of the market. Other brands, which are less popular, account for 21.6% of the market. Critical analysis of these brands may reveal that GQ is the worst performing magazine. Its market share is the smallest among major magazines. This may be explained by the narrow specialisation of the magazine. The target audience of the magazine are males from 16 to 24 years old. Teen girls are more inclined to reading magazines than teen boys. The researchers reported that girls read more screen and confession magazines . On the contrary, the most successful teenage magazine brands are New! and Ok! (these magazines have the largest market share in the UK market). This success can be explained by the proper and suitable content. The teenage magazines include celebrity interviews, dating tips, fashion tips and descriptions and samples of the popular cosmetic products. Such content is highly appreciated by the target audience. Another advantage over the rivals in the market segment is availability of the magazines. Teenage magazines have relatively low prices in comparison with other glossies. Furthermore, these magazines are universal. They are read by teenage girls as well as medium-aged women. Brand positioning of the major teenage magazines in the UK can be presented as follows. Kumar developed a special framework, which differentiates between economy brands, bargain brands, cowboy brands and premium brands. The differentiation is based on the two dimensions: quality and price of the production. The brand positioning framework can be graphically presented as shown below. None of the mentioned magazines refers to the category of economy brands. The major teenage magazines do not combine the two qualities, i.e. low quality and low price, at once. However, New! and Ok! can be classified as bargain brands. They belong to the moderate price category, but have very rich and diversified contents. Grazia Magazine, Yours and Heat are of lower quality, but more expensive. Hence, it allows for classifying them as cowboy brands. Finally, Elle Girl, Glamour and GQ are positioned as premium brands. It has already been mentioned that girls read teenage magazines more often than boys. Hence, the major target audience are teenage girls. The following graph provides a comparison of the percentage of teenage girls and teenage boys reading magazines. It may be observed that 55% of male teenagers are found to enjoy reading magazines. However, the female readers of teenage magazines are even more numerous and constitute 63% of all female teenagers. These findings reveal that the target group for the majority of the magazine producers are female teenagers. Another fact, which proves these findings, is that male teenagers are also inclined to reading other specialised magazines besides teenage publications. The alternatives include sports magazines, technical magazines, PC and IT magazines and others. In accordance with Kaiser Family Foundation all magazines discussed above are targeted at clearly specified groups of consumers. For instance, Elle Girl is targeted at younger sisters of the readers of Elle. Furthermore, it has been revealed that girls from 12 to 17 years old comprise up to 26% of the total number of females reading different magazines. Nevertheless, these magazines can hardly be segmented by their contents. The point is that all of them contain articles about celebrities, fashion, relationships, etc. In addition, it can be stated that the market could not be segmented according to the social classes of the teenage reader. It may be explained by the fact that teenage readers have mostly the same interests at this age regardless of the social background of their family. It is argued by Form (1995) that segmentation theory deals with the problems of coordinating huge entities like institutions, sectors, strata, or society; it holds that individual groups generally place their inter ests above those of the groups with which they interact, creating problems of intergroup coordination (Form, 1995). Relying on this statement, it may be argued that there are no many conflicts between the segments of the teenage magazine market in the UK. The point is that the difference between the demands and interests of teenage girls is not very large. It has been mentioned that they have similar interests. Hence, the majority of magazines can be easily substituted with other types. As it may be seen from the following graph, the publishers of teenage magazines use different media for advertising their production. Newspaper advertisement comprises as much as 29%. It may be stated that such a considerable percentage of newspaper ads cannot be justified since teenagers are expected to spend more time in the Internet than reading newspapers. However, if their parents subscribe to newspapers, teenagers can see the advertisement in the papers. Radio ads, TV ads and internet ads comprise 22%, 22% and 18% respectively. Outdoor advertisement constitutes only 9% of all advertising. The costs of advertising are summarised in the graph below. The figure has reported that the total teenage magazine advertising expenditure has been reduced recently. In 2008, the UK publishers of the teenage magazines spent about  £14,593,000 on advertising of their production. In 2009, the indicator decreased to the level of  £12,043,000. However, the advertising expenditure was equal to  £11,452,000 in 2010. The reduction of the total advertising expenditure may be explained by the overall decline in the market. It has already been stated that the total number of units of magazines produced yearly decreased too. Furthermore, the influence of the global financial crisis could have additional pressure on companies and make them reduce advertising costs. The advertising to sales ratio constituted 0.28 in 2005. In other words, the UK magazine publishers spent on average  £0.28 on advertising a  £1 worth magazine. It is understandable that premium brands and cowboy brands had different advertising budgets. Nevertheless, the indicator illustrates the average ratio. As it may be seen from the graph, the main types of retail outlets where teenage magazines are sold are supermarkets, other multiples and independents. Another important thing, which should be grasped from the histogram, is that the percentage of sales in each type of outlets has changed recently. In 1997, supermarkets were the least popular outlet for selling teenage magazines. Only 19% of all teenage magazines were sold there. Nevertheless, in 2007, supermarkets contributed to the sales of up to 32% of all teenage magazines. The percentage of teenage magazines sold in other multiples in 1997 and 2007 changed insignificantly. The indicator had fallen from 34% to 33% by 2007. However, the sales by independents had reduced from 42% to 37% by 2007. Delivery to retail outlets is the final stage of the teenage magazine supply chain. Today, supermarkets are becoming more and more popular as teenage magazine retailers as the graph above has revealed. However, supply chain of teenage magazines is much more complex than it may seem from the first sight. The timing of the average teenage magazine supply chain is presented in Appendix.

Writing Style is Important Essay -- Writing Style Styles Essays

Writing Style is Important Contrary to popular conceptions of the term ‘style’, I have found that in the context of this class, as well as in the context of the books â€Å"Style Toward Clarity and Grace† by Joseph M. Williams and â€Å"The Elements of Style† by Strunk and White, that ‘style’ is not style in the sense that it is the way I write (in such as way as ‘everyone has their own unique style’). Style encompasses many elements to writing a cohesive, clear paper. However, I feel that in order to write a clear cohesive essay or paper, I must write in my own way, a way that I am familiar with. This may seem like it goes against something that would be in â€Å"The Elements of Style,† but it is not. Strunk and White clearly say in their book, â€Å"Write in a way that comes naturally.† (Strunk and White, 70). Even though Strunk and White say to write naturally, they contradict themselves later in the book. â€Å"Prefer the standard to the offbeat.† (Strunk and White, 81) is rather contradictory because I feel that if someone is going to write in a way that comes naturally, it can be offbeat, it can be different, and it can still be understood. Also, imaginative writing or experimental writing can help and create a better writer. Ravi’s Blog also addresses this issue, â€Å"It is much easier for me to be given a topic and write a formal essay on it than to push my writing outside conventional forms and really try something new. In order to succeed in the professional world, a writer needs to have a proficient command of standard English, but in order to explore ourselves and our relationships to one another, writers must find ways to break the mold.† (ravieng328.blogspot.com, October 7th entry). I think Ravi, as ment... ...at a lot of those rules are relative. That is to say my idea of wordy and breezy would be completely different then that of someone who will be reading this. I used to refer to my ‘style’ as the way I would write and the way my writing would be read personally. Now, after reading these books, I can see that there is more to style than just my own personality coming out in the writing. I can still have style, but I also need a different kind of style. I need the kind of style that is standard and recognized so that I will be more cohesive, more clear and write a better academically constructed paper. Works Cited http://ravieng328.blogspot.com Williams, Joseph M. Style Toward Clarity and Grace Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Strunk, William and White, E.B. The Elements of Style: Fourth Edition Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 2000, 1979.

Ships Main Engine Lube Oil System :: essays research papers

Ship's Main Engine Lube Oil System Cleanliness of the lube oil is very vital in the Main Diesel Engine Lube Oil System. A strainer is a device that is usually made up of a single layer of course gauze, and a very course wire mesh. This setup is used to filter out large objects that could cause blockage or damage to the lube oil system. A filter is used to filter out much smaller particals. The filtering elements in a lube oil filter has a more complex make-up. Aboard our ship, we have self cleaning lube oil filters along with the standard lube oil filters. The size of the cartridges in these filters usually range from 3-12 mm. Our ship has two full flow filters per engine. The plates inside of a strainer corrode and erode very easily. Special attention must be given to these plates when cleaning them. Make sure that a gap has not formed at the end of the plate. If there is a gap, rags and other particles may pass right by. If in doubt of the condition of the plate, it should be renewed. The cost of a single plate is much cheaper than the cost of cleaning out an entire clogged system. All gasket surfaces must be checked closely to ensure a proper seal. Our ship has a high pressure lube oil system. Because of this, basket type strainers are used. Lube oil systems are equipped with a wide variety of strainers. It is important to operate these strainers at all times to prevent clogging. Aboard our ship, we have Hayward Plug-type Duplex Basket Strainers. All of these types of strainers are one way. The liquid to be strained enters to the top and filters through the bottom. Both strainers and filters clean lube oil using a similar process.

THE NATIONAL TOBACCO STRATEGY

Facts about harm associated with tobacco and contact information for quit programs provide access to information and support School education programs that focus on assertiveness skills, academic success and developing a negative attitude to smoking all help young people to modify personal behaviors and enhance skills that will be protective against smoking in future Quitting service Creating Supportive environments: Promotion of smoke free messages and regulation of place creates a variety of physical and social support structures accessible to individuals Frightening media campaigns â€Å"every cigarette is doing you damage† maintained powerful antismog attitude in the with advertising of pharmaceutical products, such as nicotine patches, the urgency to quit is implemented by the sense of having a solution readily available. Most indoor and public places are smoke free, providing safe physical and social environments for people to work and interact socially.Non-health initia tives like housing, counseling and anti-violence strategies reduce stress and anxiety that might lead to smoking. Employment and training programs to reduce boredom associated with unemployment-?address socio-cultural and socioeconomic determinants which influence tobacco use. Regulation of place of sale aims to eliminate the sale of tobacco products to minors and aka them less visible: hidden behind counters Strengthening Community action Local educational strategies such as peer support and mentoring programs improve self-esteem and the sense of worth among students which can be protective factors against harm from tobacco use.Families and parents provided with safe places for children to avoid tobacco smoke-?parks Reorienting Health services: ‘Lifestyles' prescription pads are tools used by Gaps to initiate discussions with patients about lifestyle behaviors-?help doctors introduce preventative assuages and recommendations for improving lifestyle behaviors. Building Healthy Public Policy. High levels of taxation on tobacco ensure cigarettes are less affordable, reducing access for younger people in particular Imposition of laws that prevent smoking in most public and indoor environments I. E. No smoking in pubs and clubs Place of drug education in all Australian schools an important cornerstone of public policy. Delivery of anti-smoking messages and development of anti-smoking attitudes as young as possible is critical.

Accounting Information Systems Solution Trial Exam

Exam Name___________________________________ MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1) Which of the following types of organizing the information systems function would you be most likely to find in a small company with 20 employees? 1) _______ A) represented within each major division of the company B) as departments within each functional area C) as a separate, centralized department D) none of the above 2) Decisions that are unique, rapidly changing, and not easily specified in advance are best suited to which type of system? 2) ______ A) MIS B) ESS C) DSS D) TPS 3) Buying or selling goods over the Internet is called 3) _______ A) an extranet. B) an intranet. C) e-business. D) e-commerce. 4) ________ uses a set of integrated applications to address all aspects of the customer relationship. 4) _______ A) MIS B) CLE C) CRM D) CLU 5) You work for a highly successful advertiser that is just about to expand nationally. Of utmost importance will be finding a way to store and disseminate their clients' continually updated branding guides, which include multiple image files and text documents, to all of the firm's branches.What system will best serve these needs? 5) _______ A) an extranet with KMS capabilities B) a CRM C) a TPS with KMS capabilities D) an intranet with KMS capabilities 6) Which type of system would you use to forecast the return on investment if you used new suppliers with better delivery track records? 6) _______ A) MIS B) ESS C) DSS D) TPS 7) The Smart Site Solution system used by Johnny's Lunch to help identify the best locations to open new franchises is best categorized as a 7) _______ A) POS system B) KMS C) CRM D) DSS 8)Which of the following occupations would NOT be categorized as an â€Å"interaction† job? 8) _______ A) engineer B) business manager C) operations manager D) sales representative 9) The CPO is responsible for 9) _______ A) overseeing the use of information technology in the firm. B) making better use of existing knowledge in organizational and management processes. C) ensuring that the company complies with existing data privacy laws. D) enforcing the firm's information security policy. 10) Decision-support systems are often referred to as business ________ systems. 0) ______ A) analysis B) intelligence C) information D) modeling 11) An information system for ________ would NOT be categorized as a KMS. 11) ______ A) distributing documents B) documenting the expertise of company specialists C) discovering new sales channels for a product D) enabling the discovery of new product applications 12) What is the most important function of an enterprise application? 12) ______ A) enabling a company to work collaboratively with customers and suppliers B) enabling business functions and departments to share information C) ncreasing speed of communicating D) enabling cost-effective e-business processes 13) The principal liaison between the infor mation systems groups and the rest of the organization is a(n) 13) ______ A) CTO. B) systems analyst. C) programmer. D) information systems manager. SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 14) The ________ function is responsible for attracting, developing, and maintaining the firm's workforce. 14) _____________ TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T' if the statement is true and ‘F' if the statement is false. 5) ESSs are designed primarily to solve specific problems. 15) ______ 16) Decision-support systems help managers make decisions that are unique, rapidly changing, and not easily specified in advance. 16) ______ 17) ESSs are designed to serve the middle management of the organization. 17) ______ 18) Operational management is responsible for directing the day-to-day operations of the business and therefore needs transaction-level information. 18) ______ 19) Decision-support systems use internal information as well as informati on from external sources. 19) ______ Accounting Information Systems Solution Trial Exam Exam Name___________________________________ MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1) Which of the following types of organizing the information systems function would you be most likely to find in a small company with 20 employees? 1) _______ A) represented within each major division of the company B) as departments within each functional area C) as a separate, centralized department D) none of the above 2) Decisions that are unique, rapidly changing, and not easily specified in advance are best suited to which type of system? 2) ______ A) MIS B) ESS C) DSS D) TPS 3) Buying or selling goods over the Internet is called 3) _______ A) an extranet. B) an intranet. C) e-business. D) e-commerce. 4) ________ uses a set of integrated applications to address all aspects of the customer relationship. 4) _______ A) MIS B) CLE C) CRM D) CLU 5) You work for a highly successful advertiser that is just about to expand nationally. Of utmost importance will be finding a way to store and disseminate their clients' continually updated branding guides, which include multiple image files and text documents, to all of the firm's branches.What system will best serve these needs? 5) _______ A) an extranet with KMS capabilities B) a CRM C) a TPS with KMS capabilities D) an intranet with KMS capabilities 6) Which type of system would you use to forecast the return on investment if you used new suppliers with better delivery track records? 6) _______ A) MIS B) ESS C) DSS D) TPS 7) The Smart Site Solution system used by Johnny's Lunch to help identify the best locations to open new franchises is best categorized as a 7) _______ A) POS system B) KMS C) CRM D) DSS 8)Which of the following occupations would NOT be categorized as an â€Å"interaction† job? 8) _______ A) engineer B) business manager C) operations manager D) sales representative 9) The CPO is responsible for 9) _______ A) overseeing the use of information technology in the firm. B) making better use of existing knowledge in organizational and management processes. C) ensuring that the company complies with existing data privacy laws. D) enforcing the firm's information security policy. 10) Decision-support systems are often referred to as business ________ systems. 0) ______ A) analysis B) intelligence C) information D) modeling 11) An information system for ________ would NOT be categorized as a KMS. 11) ______ A) distributing documents B) documenting the expertise of company specialists C) discovering new sales channels for a product D) enabling the discovery of new product applications 12) What is the most important function of an enterprise application? 12) ______ A) enabling a company to work collaboratively with customers and suppliers B) enabling business functions and departments to share information C) ncreasing speed of communicating D) enabling cost-effective e-business processes 13) The principal liaison between the infor mation systems groups and the rest of the organization is a(n) 13) ______ A) CTO. B) systems analyst. C) programmer. D) information systems manager. SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question. 14) The ________ function is responsible for attracting, developing, and maintaining the firm's workforce. 14) _____________ TRUE/FALSE. Write ‘T' if the statement is true and ‘F' if the statement is false. 5) ESSs are designed primarily to solve specific problems. 15) ______ 16) Decision-support systems help managers make decisions that are unique, rapidly changing, and not easily specified in advance. 16) ______ 17) ESSs are designed to serve the middle management of the organization. 17) ______ 18) Operational management is responsible for directing the day-to-day operations of the business and therefore needs transaction-level information. 18) ______ 19) Decision-support systems use internal information as well as informati on from external sources. 19) ______